The Kind of Leader We Need Today

January 14, 2020


The Kind of Leader We Need Today—Jean Monnet
Not many people know of Jean Monnet.  I didn’t, until I saw an extremely positive reference to his leadership in a book I read which led me to purchase his Memoirs. 

Monnet was born in 1888 in Cognac, France.  After finishing school at 16, his father sent him to London to work for the family-run Cognac trading business.  He traveled the world, at still less than 20, visiting Canada, the United States, all of Europe, including Russia, Egypt and more.  In the process of his travels, he developed the strong conviction that the peoples of the different countries needed to work together.  That was certainly true of the cognac business.  They produced in just a couple of villages in France.  They sold it to the world.  

Unable for health reasons to join the military in World War I, Monnet began his lifetime career with a proposal to the French government to coordinate war supplies with Britain.  It worked and when the United States joined the war, they were brought in, though they proved to be reluctant partners.  
After the war, he committed himself to the League of Nations and was named the Deputy Secretary General at the age of only 31.  

Between the wars, he returned to run the family business and then moved into international finance, where he worked closely with various European countries, including Romania, Poland, and China and even helped set up a bank in San Francisco.

Monnet’s driving passion to bring countries together bore fruit again with the Monnet Plan in World War II, with the oversight of the purchase of war supplies. He developed a close relationship with President Roosevelt.  

After the war, his career reached full flower.  He authored the Schumann Plan (named after France’s Minister of Foreign Affairs).  It placed all German and French production of coal and steel under one High Authority in 1950.

This was the predecessor to the formation of the creation of the Common Market, the European monetary system and the European Parliament. 

Monnet’s life was dedicated to convincing leaders to work to achieve common interests by understanding the benefits of cooperation.

It was not easy and the challenges he faced and the fact that he overcame them is something to be kept in mind. Indeed, I find it hopeful, as we survey what would have been the enormous disappointment of Monnet in the likely exit of Great Britain from the European Community.   Perhaps he would not have been surprised.  He had experienced Britain’s and (the U.S.’s) hesitancy in joining a continental supra-national governance structure.

Following the end of World War I, in early 1919, the United States withdrew from the partnership and imposition of controls to coordinate the availability of raw materials and their pricing to in the various allied countries.  The U.S. representative wrote that such a combined Executive “was contrary to the views” of the U.S. government which “intended that pre-war (conditions of) trade should be restored as soon as possible.” 

As the French representative said to Monnet at the time, “That’s the end of the solidarity we worked so hard for.  Without it and without the altruistic, disinterested cooperation that we tried to achieve among the Allies, and should have extended to our former enemies, one day we’ll have to begin all over again.”

Monnet’s response would sum up what we are seeing today.  Referring to the words of the French representative, “They were the words of a generous man, but what part could he play in the peace, in a world where nations were once more sovereign, each of them preoccupied with recovering its former influence?  No one now could argue that collective action was necessary for sheer survival; no politician could realistically propose, even for the common good, limiting the sovereignty that each of our nations had won back at such a price.  There is no point in trying to apportion blame for this return to past habits; it was simply that Nature had returned to its normal course.  It was to take many years, and much suffering, before Europeans began to realize that they must choose either unity or gradual decline.”

These observations were made a century ago.  I think they would apply today.

We are seeing once again a rebirth of strong nationalism thwarting, at least for now, the drive for mutually beneficial alliances serving a common purpose.

However, let me be clear. I am not pessimistic about the re-emergence of such alliances in the future, though sadly it may take not only years but decades to achieve. 

 I believe there are at least three major irresistible and inevitable global realities that, in the end, will lead people, based on their basic desire to survive, to work together.  Those three driving realities are:
    • The threat of climate change.  Climate change threatens the very existence of life as we know it on our planet.  We are becoming increasingly aware of this. How could we not with temperatures rising, glaciers melting away, seas rising and earthquakes increasing.   However, it has not yet reached, indeed has not even come close, to being seen by the public and their governments as a true, existential crisis.  It’s perfectly clear we will not resolve the climate crisis unless nations are working together against common goals and are sharing learning on how to achieve them.  The time will come, I submit, when climate change is seen as an existential threat to our planet. I just don’t know how much more damage we will have to witness. I fear a great deal. 
      • The ever-existent and growing threat of nuclear disaster.  Here again, the threat is intellectually known, but it is far from having reached the crisis proportion that will lead the leading countries of the world to work together.  Indeed, the treaties between the United States and Russia which put in place some degree of control over nuclear weapons are becoming unraveled.  The START treaty will soon expire. Iran and North Korea appear to be developing nuclear capability. What will it take for the world leaders to see the need to unite to thwart this overhanging threat?   I  pray that we will see the need without having to experience a real-life demonstration  of how a nuclear weapon utterly destroys human life.  Sadly, frighteningly, I believe it may well take such a disaster.
        • A third global reality which is inevitable and continuing to move ahead with lightning speed is technology and its many faceted impacts, including privacy, the communication of knowledge,  its impact on jobs  and commerce,  the related threats of “cyber-warfare” and the ambiguity of  and difficulty of ascertaining what is "truth" itself.  Today, many counties (e.g., China blocking Facebook) and in some cases blocs of counties (e.g., EEC) are grappling with how to create their own rules and mechanisms on how to manage at least some of these impacts. But without having any idea on what form it will take, and knowing it will be extremely difficult, I believe at some point, we will come to see we need to have to have global agreements on the use of many uses of technology. The question is how much pain will have to be suffered before we take the appropriate (difficult) action. 
        This tension and likely oscillation between local (national) and global (international rule-based) allegiance and governance will continue throughout history.

        We make a mistake if we don’t recognize that peoples’ loyalties start naturally “closest to home”—with their families, their community, their nation and then the broader world.  We make a mistake in our pursuit of global scale and cooperation if we forget the role of  the nation.  In its own much smaller way, that’s been true of Procter & Gamble. We have moved over the last three-quarters of a century to manage our businesses on an increasingly regional and global basis in order to take advantage of scale efficiencies and achieve faster dissemination of best-in-class technology.  In the course of doing this, however, we have from time to time lost sufficient recognition of  local differences that demand tailored product design and marketing. 

        However, the  need to see and treat the world as a whole on certain key issues (a few of which I have identified above)  with supra-national goals and governance mechanisms is inevitable if we are to preserve life on earth as we know it.

        In doing so,  we face a burning and haunting question:  Is it only possible for countries to work together on a sustained basis when they see themselves facing a crisis which threatens their very existence, such as World War I or World War II-- a crisis which they come to recognize they cannot overcome alone?   
        Realistically, I believe the answer if "yes.”

        To be sure, we can point to some examples where cooperation depended on something less than confronting an existential threat.   Joint exploration of space and coordinated attack on AIDS and other healthcare threats might qualify as examples, though I would question whether these brought the sustained, integrated effort the threats which I cited earlier will require. 

        One thing for sure.  We will require the commitment to a common purpose seen to be of utmost strategic importance by EACH of the nations involved. Only this will  lead to the deeply integrated joint effort and governance necessary to achieve it.  

        Monnet’s Memoirs provide an eloquent description of what underpins an effective joint effort. He cites Britain’s Sir Jay Walter Salter, explaining what made possible the international cooperation in World War I:

        “The work could never have been successfully achieved if daily association had not development mutual confidence.  Given the proper personal relations, many things can be explained which would never be put on paper or stated in a formal meeting (so that) the limits of concession can be explored (enabling)  national policies (to be) formed and fixed in the first instance within them instead of beyond them.  But the delicacy of such work, and the difficulty of the questions of loyalty and good faith involved, are obvious.  It is only possible at all under conditions of personal confidence and long personal association.”

        Monnet agrees with Salter.  Personal friendships played a great role in all the successes in which he was involved, as they have in all I have been involved.   However,  Monnet goes on to make an extremely important point that once again underscores the importance of having a common existential purpose.  

        “Friendship, to me, is the result of joint action rather than the reason for it.  The reason is, first and foremost, mutual confidence.  This grows up naturally between men who take a common view of the problem to be solved.  When the problem becomes the same for everyone, and they all have the same concern to solve it, then differences and suspicions disappear, and friendship very often takes their place.  But how can people be persuaded to approach the problem in the same way and see to it that their interests are the same, when men and nation are divided?”

        In posing that question, Monnet admits that at that time (1919), he did not have the answer.  He had seen that “danger had (brought countries) together; victory threatened to dissolve them.  Friendship would not be enough and danger was no longer there to force us together.  What kind of institutions, what international laws, could be established to take the place of necessity?”

        Monnet’s subsequent career would answer that question as the European Common Market was formed by demonstrating convincingly that there would be enormous economic benefit in countries having unified policies and that it also would stand as a bulwark against the threatened expansion of the Soviet Union.

        The challenge was to make the actuality of these benefits real and persuade the peoples of the participating countries of their reality.  Those benefits have to be perceived as large enough to overcome what inevitably will be the complexity of regulating key issues such as currency and control of national budgets and, though it could not be foreseen at the start, immigration, which has rocked the European Union more than any other.  It may be the principal reason why Brexit was supported by a majority of the British people. 

        Given the inherent complexities, it is essential that the benefits of the cooperation be constantly updated and communicated to the publics. There are bound to be complaints; one needs to know the positives. I question whether this has been well done. 

        Another fact that clearly emerges from the history of the European Common Community and Jean Monnet is that the establishment of transnational government controls requires extraordinarily strong and persistent leadership.  It is hard to imagine the Common Market happening as it did if it were not for Jean Monnet and Robert Schumann of France and Konrad Adenauer of Germany. 

        Who are the leaders today who can unite the major nations of the world to confront the threats we face? I don’t know.  I can only hope that if history is any indicator, which it usually but not always is, leaders will ultimately emerge to deal with these issues of existential importance. I only hope and pray that they do so before these crises reach a life-destroying boil. That risk stares my children and mygrandchildren, all of us , in the face.

        Human Beings are Mean-Making Creatures

        January 3, 2020


         
        “Human beings are mean-making creatures.  A politics that is unable to translate its positions into some sort of transcendental language, pointing to something greater than the individual, will ultimately fail.”
         
        This from the writer Ed Simon in a New York Times op-ed on December 30.  
         
        No truer words have ever been written.   They explain what provides force for leaders to lead, whether they be fascist dictators, preaching a superiority of a certain group of people, or a Democratic leader like Nelson Mandela, who calls for us to honor our most noble instincts of courage, perseverance and forgiveness.
         
        This same desire to be part of something bigger than our individual selves is what makes the purpose and values and principles of a company like Procter & Gamble so powerfully motivating and attractive.  It’s why people join the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center or the Holocaust Center.  
         
        It is why we dedicate our highest priority and bring our greatest love to our families and very closest friends. 

         

        We Can Not Take The Future for Grqnted

        December 27, 2019


        The Second Founding:  How the Civil War and Reconstruction Re-Made the Constitution by Eric Foner

        I found this a challenging book  because of the complexity and oscillating changes  over time in the Supreme Court’s  interpretations of the meaning and intent of the 13th and 14th and 15th Amendments.

        The 13th Amendment outlaws slavery and involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for a crime for which the party has been convicted. It  gave Congress the power to enforce this article.  

        The 14th Amendment rules that “all persons born or naturalized in the United States are citizens of the United States  and the states...and that no state shall make or enforce any law that shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States...nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law or deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws and also gave Congress the power to enforce the provisions of this article.”  (There are two other sections, three and four, which are not really relevant today.)

        The 15th Amendment rules that the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

        This Amendment, too, conveyed the power to Congress to enforce it through appropriate legislation.

        What I took away from the book is how widely the interpretation of these amendments has been by the Supreme Court.  Even today, the potential expanse of these amendments to enforce true equality has been by no means tapped.

        The force of these amendments was greatly strengthened by legislation passed from 1866-1875, principally the Civil Rights Acts.

        Tragically however, h the Supreme Courts that ruled during the last quarter of the 19th century were extraordinarily conservative. Indeed many members racist, and they sharply limited the scope of the impact of these amendments.  The key means by which that was done was to not allow the 14thAmendment to apply to private actions (individuals and groups) but only to state and federally mandated laws.  This reflected a strong desire to maintain Federalism but also a very strong political bias to maintain what were very strong counter actions to Reconstruction and its commitment to advance the quality and freedom of blacks.

        There are two major lessons I took away from reading this book:

        1. The notion that the nation’s Supreme Courts have been “impartial” or “apolitical” is wrong.  Unfortunately, they have often been both.  In recent years, Republicans have recognized this and fought hard to gain the Presidency and hence appointment of judges sympathetic to their views.  In fact, this desire may well have been a decisive factor in the election of Donald Trump. And earlier,  Democrats did it too.  Witness Roosevelt’s ultimately defeated effort to “pack” the Supreme Court to uphold New Deal legislation.

         A major point of dispute in interpreting what was acceptable or not under the 13th and 14th Amendments has hinged on the question of what represented  badges of slavery.  For decades, for example, it was argued that segregation in transportation and education did not represent badges of inferiority; witness Plessy vs. Ferguson and numerous other cases.  Brown vs Board of Education changed that.

        Today, we have the irony (from my perspective) that whites are claiming to be disadvantaged because of the application of a reasonable consideration of race as one of many factor sin constituting an incoming college class as recognition of the long-lasting discrimination against blacks.                

        1. It is notable to see how even a judge like John Marshall Harlan, while ahead of his time as he lodged the one dissent in Plessy vs. Ferguson, came back with other rulings which supported what amounted to segregation.
        This history underscores that we cannot take the future for granted.

         As Eric Foner writes, “rights can be gained and rights can be taken away.  A century and a half after the end of slavery, the process of equal citizenship remains unfinished.  The ideals of freedom, equality and democracy are always contested.”

        Positively and with hope, Foner writes,  “the counter interpretation developed in Reconstruction and its aftermath, with its more powerful assertion of the rights enshrined by the Constitution of the Second Founding and the power of the federal government to enforce them, remains available, if the political environment  changes”.

        I agree: There is no reason why the 13th Amendment cannot be reinvigorated as a weapon against enduring inequalities rooted in slavery, or the 14th’s clause related to the privilege or immunities of citizens cannot be understood to encompass rights denied by slavery and essential to full membership in American society today, such as access to an adequate education, or even the ‘reasonable wages’ to which Lincoln said that freed slaves were entitled in the Emancipation Proclamation.”

        Why, Foner asks,”in the 21st century should the right to vote not be considered a privilege 
        of citizenship enjoyed by all adult Americans?” Why indeed? 


          

        The Charge of Impeachment is Compelling—What Should The Senators Do?

        December 3, 2019

        The Charge of Impeachment is Compelling—What Should The Senators DoDemocrats and Republicans

        My answer:  hold a serious trial in the Senate; hear testimony from all sides with an open mind; decide whether Trump has committed an impeachable offense based on all the evidence and the dictates of your individual conscience. Recognize this is almost certainly the most important decision you will ever be called on to make as a Senator. 

         The Nation deserves this—for today, tomorrow and the future.

        Trump's phone call to President Zelensky and facts presented in testimony from multiple people over the last three weeks provide the basis, I believe, for a charge of impeachment against President Trump for trying to use the power of his office for political gain. 

        As Peggy Noonan (a former speechwriter for President Reagan) described in a recent op-ed in the WSJ regarding the testimony, “Gordon Sondland was both weirdly jolly and enormously effective in doing President Trump damage.  He followed the president’s orders:  there was a quid pro quo; “everyone was in the loop, it was no secret.”  It was his third try at truthful sworn testimony and it was completely believable.

        Fiona Hill, an undisputed expert on Russia and Ukraine, tied it all together.  Her testimony, combined with what came before, in Peggy Noonan’s words, made it clear “in a new and public way that pretty much everyone around the president has been forced for three years to work around his poor judgment and unpredictability in order to do their jobs.  He (the president) no doubt knows this and no doubt doesn’t care.  Because he is the boss, they will do it his way.”

        As to impeachment itself, Noonan writes, “The case has been so clearly made you wonder what exactly the Senate will be left doing.  How will they hold a lengthy trial with a case this clear?  Who exactly will be the president’s witnesses, those who testify he didn’t do what he appears to have done, and would never do it?”

        Noonan opines, “The reasonable guess is Republican Senators will call to let the people decide.  In a divided country, this is the right call.  But they should take seriously the idea of censuring him for abuse of power.”

        In fact, based on a few discussions I have had, I believe many if not most Republican Senators will decide to do exactly what Peggy Noonan has opined.

        I fear they will rationalize the decision to not hold a truly serious trial and not convict President Trump based on their conviction that this decision should be left for the American people to resolve in the upcoming 2020 election.  As support for their position, they will assert, with good reason, that the decision to convict would leave the country as bitterly divided as ever, if not more so.

        This is a beguiling line of thought.  It is a rationale that honorable men and women can draw on to persuade themselves they are doing the right thing, despite the evidence that Trump has engaged in behavior not only unfitting for the President of our country but the leader of any organization.
        However, make no mistake, this line of thought is fatally flawed and dangerous.
          
        Why do I say this?

        Most importantly because I believe we need to follow the constitutional provision of having a bona-fide trial.  It will allow the Trump administration to present witnesses and testimony that may exculpate Trump.  Maybe he would testify himself.  He has sometimes said he would want to do that. 
        And it should present the opportunity to hear from other witnesses who so far have refused to appear and who may be in the best position to testify to Trump's actions and intent.

        My basic point is that we are dealing with a critical matter, the resolution of which will impact more than today or tomorrow.  It will impact the Nation's enduring future. The question is, will the possibility that the President violated his sacred oath and broke the law be decided by the constitutionally ordained process or not.

        While based on the facts as I now know them and the testimony I have heard, l believe President Trump has committed an impeachable offense, I would not be willing to reach a verdict on whether he should be removed from office until a fairly conducted Senate trial.

        Some will say that a decision to convict on the part of the Senate would leave the country sharply divided despite the evidence.  That is probably correct. But consider the alternative—honestly, seriously. 

        What if, after hearing testimony from all sides, the overwhelming evidence indicates that indeed President Trump did hold up military assistance and did ask the leader of a foreign country to help his campaign by asking its leader to investigate his principal opponent?  

        Wouldn't we then want, indeed demand, the jury—members of the Senate—vote on whether Trump should be convicted of the charge.  I would. Indeed, it is what the Constitution demands they do.

        Assuming the charge is proven so compellingly that it leads to a bi-partisan vote to convict and remove Trump from office, it would remove the grave risk that his demonstrated behavior and character and unpredictability pose to our nation if he were to occupy the Presidency for the remainder of this term and what could be another four years. 

        The point of this essay is not to argue that as the necessary or eventual outcome.*

        It is, however, to strongly argue that the evidence that a serious crime has been committed is clear enough that it deserves the trial the Constitution provides for. 

        There is much more at stake for the future than what we can foresee in these closing moments of 2019.  What's at stake is our ability as a Nation to pursue truth wherever it leads and to hold everyone accountable to the law and to the provisions of the Constitution. 

        I would not want this statement to mask my utter disdain for Trump's character and behavior and my conviction that it is vitally important that he be defeated in his bid for a second term. We cannot afford a continuation of his erratic, unprincipled behavior and the sublimation of the character values of integrity and respect which define our Nation at our best. However, my deep "disdain" does not itself justify impeachment. That should await the findings and decisions reached by the Senate after a fair and thorough trial.

        P.S.  On the importance of character, the words of the poet Robert Law ring true: 
        Watch your thoughts; they become your words.
        Watch your words; they become your actions.
        Watch your actions; they become your habits.
        Watch your habits; they become your character. 
        Watch your character; it becomes your destiny.