The Rise and Fall of the Neo-Liberal Order

April 3, 2023

 he Rise and Fall of the Neo-Liberal Order:  America and the World in the Free Market Era

by Gary Gerstle
 
This book, in a fresh and very competent way, overviews the history of the past 100 years, 1920-2022.  It does it in less than 300 pages.  Deeply researched and fluidly written, the story reveals dimensions of this history that I found incisive and many new, despite having lived through most of it. 
 
He channels his story on the foundation of two movements as he describes them:  the New Deal, put in place on the run by FDR following the Great Depression.  It lasted through the 1960s and 1970s, brought down eventually by a combination of the Vietnam War (which split the Democratic Party), racial relations and the economy, which went into a steep decline in the 1970s.  From that sprang Neo-Liberalism, helped along tremendously by the peaceful demise of the Soviet Union and the opening up of China and the rest of the world to commerce.  Neo-Liberalism, a broad term often used in a dismissive and derogatory way today, embraced a belief in open markets, individual initiative, de-regulation of finance (elimination of Glass-Steagall; growth of mega-banks), communication (elimination of "fairness doctrine," creation of Fox News, MSNBC, etc., Twitter, etc.), businesses (opening the road to creation and expansion of tech giants like Google; Facebook and consolidation of businesses like airlines) and education.  Like the New Deal, it captured the support of both Republican and Democratic administrations (including, for example, Eisenhower who continued many of the policies instituted by FDR). 
 
Neo-Liberalism turned out to be a defining and unifying order of political economy embraced, as Gerstle sharply points out, by Republicans and Democrats from Reagan, Bush, Clinton and Obama. 
 
Its breakdown has been caused by a tremendous fission in trust and relationships in the United States including among the political parties.  These differences have become moral differences in their character, not just differences in policy. The decline in trust from a level of 75% of the public trusting the government "to do the right thing all or most of the time" in 1958 to 20% in May 2022 traces to many factors, including importantly the disclosure of Nixon's break-in of the Democratic Headquarters and subsequent resignation (trust declining to 36% at the end of his presidency) and then further declining due to the misbegotten invasion of Iraq (declining to 25% at the end of G.W. Bush's administration). 
 
I believe two other causes of the breakdown in public trust and confidence stem importantly from 1) the adversarial, non-stop trampling in broadcast and print media and on social media platforms of the motives, efficacy and moral worth of the opposition, and 2) from the breakdown of the makeup of the family.  Gerstle marshals sobering statistics to demonstrate this. Nationally, a staggering 30% of babies are now born into single-parent homes, up from only 10% in 1965. 
 
The decline of trust in every institution (other than the military) has been well documented, including by me in other posts, and I won’t rehearse the data here.  However, I would state that my two greatest concerns about this country--concerns that I find the hardest to see how we’re going to overcome, are the decline of trust in our institutions* and in each other and in the breakdown of the American family.
 
If I were to critique Gerstle’s book, I would cite a couple of points.  While he makes the case compellingly that the two parties have been united in their view of the right "political economic order,” I don’t believe he provides enough emphasis on the nuances of their differences on cultural issues.  He does point out how the Neo-Liberal philosophy embraced both a spirit of cosmopolitanism, open borders and an attachment to diversity (Democratic) compared to a much greater attachment to family, patriotism, religion and other so-called traditional values (Republican).  
 
I also believe he should have brought more emphasis to how dramatic geo-political changes post-1990 have fractured the free trade, cosmopolitan ethos that prevailed in the post-1990 spirit of Neo-Liberalism.  The passage of MFN for China, the WTO, all were premised on China’s entering the Free World to a far greater degree than is obviously happening. And the spirit on democracy which in 1990 showed signs of animating much of what was developing in Russia has disappeared at this moment.
 
I also wish Gerstle had spent more time addressing the totality of what was happening on the global front and, as part of that, recognized that our illusory belief post the fall of the Soviet Union that the world was aligning almost as one behind our view of the right political-economic order led us to step back on seeking better diplomatic understanding with potential adversaries, Russia and China in particular.   Instead, we pretty much put aside what their future interests and fears might be. 
 
Related to this, Gerstle’s treatment of the last 40 years should have put more emphasis on the importance of human agency.  He does emphasize, correctly, the decisive role of Gorbachev.  But he doesn’t touch on the importance of the different roles played by Chinese leaders, from Deng Xiaoping to now President Xi or President Putin in Russia (including how his outlook toward the West has darkened over the last 15 years).
 
 
*Another sobering set of data showing the decline in spirit of the American public emerges from this recent WSJ-NORC poll. The percentage of people who say these values are important to them, have declined from 1998 to 2023 as follows:
 
Patriotism: 70%-38%
Religion: 62%-39%
Having Children: 59%-30%
Community Involvement: 47%-27%
Money (the exception): 31%-43%
 

No comments:

Post a Comment